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Michael Olivas with Latino Faculty
and staff during his recent visit to Ohio State University.
Dr. Michael Olivas, an OSU alumnus, is an expert in immigration
law and higher education, and the William B. Bates Distinguished
Chair in Law at the University of Houston and Director of
the Institute for Education Law and Governance at UH. Recently,
he delivered a public lecture at OSU where he reviewed legal
issues arising between faculty and students in the classroom.
Dr. Olivas also discussed issues related with access and diversity
in higher education, among them, the DREAM Act, with students,
faculty and staff. Below is an abbreviated version of an article
published by Benders Immigration Bulletin.
In a series of articles beginning twenty years ago, I began
to review the complex practices and conflicting policies to
track college residency issues.
As difficult as it is to negotiate the application and admissions
process to college, it is even more daunting to navigate the
process of providing residency, as thousands of students each
year discover. Then, add the overlay of immigration and nationality
law, and you have a patchwork of dissimilarity and injustice
[
]. In many respects, the residency laws, implementing
regulations, and state and institutional practices are often
illogical, inconsistent, and confusing [
]. Additionally,
these complicated technical requirements almost always work
against aliens, especially undocumented aliens, who may have
no reason to know or confront their unauthorized status until
they apply to college.
Whatever [
] [Proposition 187] meant in practice, there
is no doubt that, by 1996, things looked bleak for those who
advocated for undocumented college students. By then, Texas
and California, the two largest immigrant-receiver States,
had banned these students from in-state tuition classification
as residents, and federal legislation was in place that appeared
to preempt State efforts to enact such a benefit.
In the interim between the injunction issued to stay Proposition
187s implementation and the appeals court settlement,
[
], Congress enacted IIRAIRA, which appeared to the
court to preempt state efforts to allow the undocumented any
resident-tuition benefits.
[
] only a few States have changed their practice post-IIRAIRA
and enacted statutes to allow the undocumented to attend college
as resident students, the major receiver States have done
so, and it is likely that political pressure will continue
to fill in the empty spots on the map, at least the spots
where the undocumented are likely to enroll.
If the DREAM Act were passed in its present form: (1) It
would repeal §505 of IIRAIRA, which has come to discourage
some States from offering in-state, resident tuition to all
student who graduate from their high schools. The repeal would
be retroactive, as if §505 never had been enacted. (2)
It would allow eligible undocumented students (those who entered
the U.S. before they were 16 years old) to begin the path
toward legalization through a two-step process.
There has been a surprising amount of litigation and, recently,
legislation on this arcane matter a subject that affects
only a few students, but extremely vulnerable ones. [
]
Ironically, the DREAM Act provisions, introduced by a conservative
Republican senator, are more generous than any of the state
laws enacted to ameliorate this problem, and of course, the
amnesty provisions to allow the undocumented students to legalize
their status would be generous. [
] It is likely that
this issue will be resolved by a combination of state and
federal laws, even with the specter of September 11 casting
its long shadow.
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